I. Introduction
The year 2020 was a peculiar time to be active on Mormon social media. The combination of the COVID-19 pandemic, quarantine restrictions, earthquakes on the Wasatch front, nationwide social justice protests, and the US election, all brought out some especially brow-raising conspiracy discourse and behavior both on and offline. This was not limited to Mormon communities by any means, but I was afforded a front row seat to witness how this played out in Mormon spaces in distinctly Mormon ways. The pandemic, mask mandates, lock-downs, quakes, social unrest, and election controversies were interpreted by many as omens of imminent societal collapse and the apocalypse, and conspiracy theories in many flavors flourished within and beyond Mormon communities.
Observing this all unfold piqued my interest regarding whether there were features of Mormon communities in particular that may encourage conspiracist thinking, especially as I witnessed many Mormons embrace Operation Underground Railroad, the Utah-based anti-trafficking rescue organization directed by Tim Ballard. Within these circles, I observed the proliferation of pizza-gate and QAnon conspiracy ideas—such as the Wayfair trafficking hoax, or supposedly coded messages in children’s media intended as grooming by pedophiles.
I witnessed accusations that the nationwide social justice protests were part of orchestrated efforts by China, George Soros, or “cultural Marxism” to overthrow American democracy with a totalitarian socialist regime. I encountered these and other conspiracy theories being expressed in distinctly Mormon ways—referencing Mormon scripture, quoting Mormon leaders, invoking Mormon apocalyptic—in efforts to validate and legitimize narratives that sinister conspiracies were afoot.
Two books published in 2020, Matthew Harris’s Watchman on the Tower and Christopher Blythe’s Terrible Revolution, further evinced to me that, for historical reasons, conspiracist narratives and attitudes are especially prominent and provided an authoritative status within Mormon communities. Thus began my personal research into the psychology of conspiracy theory and the historical reasons for the prevalence of conspiracy narratives within Mormon culture.
In May 2021, the Pew Religion Research Institute (PRRI) reported their findings regarding differences in endorsement of QAnon beliefs between religious groups in America. This was assessed by measuring participants’ endorsement of statements such as: “The government, the media, and financial worlds in the US are controlled by a group of Satan-worshiping pedophiles who run a global child sex trafficking operation,” or that “Because things have gotten so far off-track, true American patriots may have to resort to violence in order to save our country.”
PRRI observed large differences between religious groups and acceptance of QAnon conspiracy ideas. Mormons were 50% more likely to endorse, and 40% less likely to completely reject, QAnon belief statements compared to the general American public. Differences between other religious groups were even more dramatic. For instance, White Evangelicals were 11 times more likely to endorse, and nearly 3 times less likely to reject, QAnon belief statements than Jewish Americans. Additionally, a whopping 46% of Mormons reported agreement with the thoroughly debunked claim that “the 2020 election was stolen from Donald Trump”—a rate nearly 60% higher than the general American public and the second highest of any religious group behind White Evangelicals.
Reports in March, June, and November 2021 observed similar differences between religious communities regarding COVID-19 vaccine hesitancy and refusal, which correlate with anti-vaccination conspiracy beliefs. Clearly, there are pronounced differences between religious communities regarding general amenability to at least some conspiracy beliefs. What accounts for these differences? Are there cultural features that increase or decrease favorability to conspiracist ideation that differ between these groups? If so, what are those features and how do they operate?
Conspiracist Enculturation
No one is born a conspiracist; worldviews are generally acquired through socialization. Undoubtedly, there are characteristics that make individuals more or less receptive to conspiracy thinking, but I genuinely believe that people develop conspiracist mindsets primarily through social conditioning in our formative communities. Therefore, instead of asking: “What are the features of individuals that make them more prone to conspiracy thinking,” perhaps we should be asking: “What are the features of social communities that foster the development of conspiracist worldviews among community members?”
We must acknowledge that “religious communities do not speak with one voice.” Mormondom is a broad and complicated spectrum of Mormon expressions that defies categorization. There are over 400 documented expressions of Mormonism with a variety of doctrinal and cultural differences. Moreover, adherents within a single one of these denominational expressions are not homogeneous and comprise a diversity of religious beliefs and attitudes. Therefore, whatever statement we make regarding Mormon conspiracism will be inherently a generalization that does not represent every Mormon or every Mormon community. Therefore, consider the ensuing discussion merely as a set of examples regarding how the discourse and social dynamics of Mormon communities may encourage conspiracy thinking in ways that differ by degrees for individuals along different points of the Mormon spectrum.
Research on the social psychology of conspiracism has identified a myriad of individual and situational variables associated with conspiracy beliefs. These variables can be divided into three motivational categories—epistemic, existential, and social motives. The literature on each of these could be a full-length presentation in their own right. We will therefore review only a few examples within each category and explore how they relate to the discourse and practices of Mormon communities.
II. Epistemic Factors
The first motivational category to which conspiracy theories appeal is the desire for coherence and predictability regarding the causality of events in one’s social environment. To that end, conspiracy theories provide sense-making narratives about important events or social conditions. They represent internally consistent, alternative explanations that provide a sense of coherence and predictability for believers. Conspiracy narratives reduce ambiguity and bewilderment when information is unavailable or conflicting, provide meaning when events appear to be random, and facilitate defending beliefs from disconfirmation.
NEED FOR COGNITIVE CLOSURE
The desire for cognitive closure is one of the major psychological motives that drives conspiracy belief. Researchers have reliably demonstrated that the strength of this impulse is correlated with conspiracy belief and conspiracy mindset. That is, the stronger an individual’s tendency to crave certainty, the more probable it is that they subscribe to conspiracy theories.
As rational creatures, we crave clarity and understanding about the world we live in. Ambiguity and confusion are generally aversive. We seek to reduce ambiguity and strive for a degree of certainty about the workings of the world around us. We crave order and predictability. Therefore, when information about events or conditions of our environment is sparse, unreliable, conflicting, or otherwise ambiguous, we strive to reduce that ambiguity by constructing narratives that confer order and predictability to the world.
There are many methods whereby we construct meaning amidst the ambiguity of our environments. Religion and science are both epistemic enterprises that scratch this itch—as are conspiracy theories. As a method of causal explanation, conspiracy theories are distinct in that they posit intentionally hidden information, the coordination of multiple actors, and are resistant to falsification in that these actors employ secrecy and subterfuge to prevent the discovery of how the world truly operates. Additionally, conspiracy theories are efficacious in protecting cherished beliefs by casting overwhelming disconfirming evidence as the product of a conspiracy.
Beyond the Shadow of a Doubt
A strong aversion for ambiguity runs like a coursing river that irrigates the broad landscape of Mormonism. Simplicity, clarity, and certainty are prized virtues of Mormon faith and culture. Like many expressions of post-Enlightenment Christianity, Mormon theology devotes considerable attention to answering questions arising from ambiguity or contradictions in the Bible, and from conflicts between traditional religious understanding with modern scholarship in the sciences and humanities. A crucial premise of The Book of Mormon is that it restores the “many plain and precious things taken away from the [Bible]”—the removal of which has resulted in an “awful state of blindness” wherein “an exceedingly great many do stumble, yea, insomuch that Satan hath great power over them” (1 Nephi 13:23–32).
This compulsion for certainty manifests itself ubiquitously in Mormonism, but is especially pronounced in the writings of Mormon apologists—groups like FAIR, the Interpreter Foundation, Book of Mormon Central, the Joseph Smith Foundation, and the FIRM Foundation. A light perusal of their websites quickly will uncover a preponderance of material devoted to providing concrete, definitive answers resolving matters of ambiguity, especially where that ambiguity presents a potential obstacle to Mormon devotion.
The Book of Mormon also contains an epistemological promise that readers can obtain a certainty of its truthfulness through a mystical encounter with the Holy Ghost. In discussing the distinction between faith and knowledge, the prophet Alma states that faith is not to “know of a surety” because “if a man knoweth a thing he hath no cause to believe, for he knoweth it.” He elaborates that “faith is not to have a perfect knowledge of things” before explaining a process whereby individuals can rely upon their feelings to discern whether something is true. Critically, regarding this discernment, he states that their “knowledge is perfect in that thing” (Alma 32:17–34). Moroni then builds upon these ideas at the end of the book, wherein the reader is promised that a manifestation of the Holy Ghost will accompany their prayerful petitions for confirmation that what they have just read is true, by which they “may know the truth of all things” (Moroni 10:3–5).
Anyone who has sat through a Latter-day Saint testimony meeting is familiar with how ubiquitously members use statements of certainty to express their religious devotion. This is not a coincidental phenomenon; church leaders frequently encourage members to strive for, and profess certainty in, their religious convictions. In only minutes of searching, one can easily find numerous talks, articles, or lessons encouraging members to obtain a sure knowledge of the truthfulness of the church, and to articulate their convictions with “I know” statements expressing absolute assurance. Even in some of their more nuanced conversations about belief, Mormon leaders encourage members to “doubt your doubts” or to otherwise eschew uncertainty. At other times, doubt is characterized as Satanic and actively shamed.
PREFERENCE FOR INTUITION
Broadly speaking, we all engage in two general styles of evaluative cognition: intuitive thinking and analytic reasoning. Intuitive thinking is characterized by reliance on tacit, experiential knowledge and implicit rules of thumb. Conversely, analytic reasoning is reliant upon explicit, domain-general knowledge and is methodically deliberate. While everyone engages in both modes of thinking—and which system is preferred at a given time is somewhat situational—some evidence suggests that people tend to dispositionally gravitate toward one style over the other. Of immediate relevance, conspiracy belief is associated with a general tendency to favor intuition over analytic reasoning.
Intuitive thinking displays a greater reliance on the feelings evoked by information and on cognitive shortcuts in making quick judgments to inform decision-making. We rely upon these shortcuts particularly under conditions of uncertainty or when information is limited or ambiguous. Generally speaking, these heuristics serve us well in making sense of our world, which is why they exist in the first place. However, they are also systematically prone toward making certain types of errors, reflected by a wide range of cognitive biases. Many of these biases have been explored by social and cognitive psychologists with regard to understanding conspiracy belief. Among these include the tendency to intuit information that is familiar and cognitively accessible as true, the tendency to favor information that does not require significant adaptations to our established schemas of how the world operates, and the aversion to information that evokes feelings of discomfort or cognitive dissonance.
A hallmark of intuitive thinking is its expression through hunches, gut feelings, and immediate unsolicited thoughts. Because they are the product of unconscious knowledge, intuitions can feel as though they are expressions of a deeper part of our being than our conscious selves. Conversely, they may feel as though generated apart from and outside of ourselves. In either case, intuitive thoughts have the feeling of truth—especially truth that is apart from, and perhaps even at odds with, our conscious awareness.
In situations where our intuitive and analytic thoughts are at odds, which are given priority? I suggest that one important factor is the culture of the communities in which one is raised or to which one presently belongs. Communities differ regarding the priority they place upon intuition and how intuitions are interpreted. For instance, scientific communities place a high value on skepticism and generally prioritize analytic thinking over intuition. Communities devoted to conspiracy theories generally place a higher priority on intuitive thinking and directing skepticism and analytic reasoning toward defending those intuitions.
With Every Fiber of My Being
Intuitive thinking is also prioritized in Mormon communities. As mentioned earlier, The Book of Mormon teaches that “the truth of all things” can be known through the power of the Holy Ghost, which manifests as emotional sensations, clarity of thought, a sense of instinctive coherence, sudden and unexpected thoughts, or even a voice audible only to oneself. Most of these are indistinguishable from ways intuitions are described.
In a pair of revelations in the Doctrine and Covenants, Oliver Cowdery is given the following instructions regarding revelation:
Yea, behold, I will tell you in your mind and in your heart, by the Holy Ghost, which shall come upon you and which shall dwell in your heart. Doctrine and Covenants § 8:2
Behold, you have not understood; you have supposed that I would give it unto you, when you took no thought save it was to ask me. But, behold, I say unto you, that you must study it out in your mind; then you must ask me if it be right, and if it is right I will cause that your bosom shall burn within you; therefore, you shall feel that it is right. But if it be not right you shall have no such feelings, but you shall have a stupor of thought that shall cause you to forget the thing which is wrong; Doctrine and Covenants § 9:7–9
These passages are frequently invoked when instructing members regarding how they too may receive revelation. Several features of these passages are informative for our present conversation. First, manifestations of the Holy Ghost are described in ways that are highly characteristic of intuitive thinking. Namely, clarity of thought that accompanies emotional affirmation. Conversely, the absence of affirming emotions coupled with confusion or clouded thinking are indications of divine disconfirmation.
Second, deliberative thinking is invoked as a vehicle to prepare oneself to receive subsequent, confirmatory revelation. Analytic thinking is not discouraged in Mormon epistemology, but it serves a specific purpose. In this case, it is to prepare the individual to ask questions and confer their intuitions for confirmation. Thereafter, analytic thinking is employed to interpret those intuitions as manifestations of the Holy Ghost, one’s own thoughts, or perhaps the deceptions of Satan.
III. Existential Factors
In additional to providing sense-making narratives, conspiracy theories appeal to the ubiquitous human existential desires for safety, security, and autonomy in one’s environment. When these needs are threatened, the adoption of conspiracy theories may provide some compensatory satisfaction. On the surface, conspiracy belief may seem counterproductive in satisfying existential needs. Why would someone desiring to feel safe, secure, and in control of their situation choose to believe that a group of powerful and immoral conspirators are working against the common good? The answer lies in how conspiracy theories identify particular threats and provide a sense of personal empowerment in responding to those threats.
NEED FOR CONTROL
Foremost among the existential motives for conspiracy belief is the Need for Control. Simply stated, we experience psychological distress when we perceive that circumstances or events are beyond our influence or control—especially when access to a valued resource hangs in the balance. This psychological distress sets the stage for epistemic sense-making and motivates the search for potential threats to our security and well-being. As such, epistemic motives for conspiracy belief are often intertwined with existential motives. In this way, our Need for Control is not entirely separable from our Need for Coherence.
When troublesome circumstances emerge from unpredictable events, we are prepared to construct narratives of plausible coherence by identifying patterns and inferring causality between clusters of random events. Identifying threats is one of these sense-making activities we may engage in as part of an effort to restore perceived coherence and identify targets for restoring control. Sensations of futility or impotence regarding one’s fate or circumstances are aversive and anything that reduces this dysphoria is reinforcing, even if illusory or logically fallacious.
Conspiracy theories explain events or circumstances as resulting from identifiable determinants, rather than random happenstance. Conspiracy theories may instill a sense of security by identifying untrustworthy groups or individuals as the source of one’s troubles and thereby reduce or neutralize the threat they represent by making them known. Furthermore, conspiracy theories also present the opportunity to reject official accounts in favor of alternative narratives, which may instill a sense of autonomy by challenging the authority of those perceived as possessing disproportionate control of social discourse.
Conspiracy theories are fundamentally narratives about power. They identify the disruptive power held by groups of malevolent conspirators while simultaneously empowering believers by revealing hidden information wherewith they may resist the power of their oppressors. A ubiquitous theme of conspiracy theories is that the fragile power of the conspirators is maintained principally through secrecy and deception. If the cloak of subterfuge can be penetrated, the power of the conspirators may be nullified. In this manner, conspiracy theorists become heroic underdogs who speak truth to power and awaken the sleeping masses to the invisible chains with which they are bound. Therefore, although conspiracy theories invoke disconcerting narratives that amplify feelings of existential crisis, which on the surface may seem disempowering, they also provide an illusion of empowerment by casting believers as part of a heroic resistance.
REFUGE FROM A DANGEROUS WORLD
Belief in a dangerous world is a regular theme in Mormon discourse. In the Plan of Salvation, each of us are spirit children of God who are born into a spiritually perilous world wherein cosmic forces vie for supremacy over our very agency and the eternal welfare of our souls. Here with us are Satan—the Great Deceiver—and his demonic host, whose primary goal is to enslave humanity but pulling the wool over our eyes and blinding us to the true reality of our divine potential. In his thrall are the powerful figures and institutions of the modern world, including Hollywood, the music industry, political activists, world leaders, academic intellectuals, and influential social elites. Through repeated messaging, Mormons are warned that everyday worldly institutions are part of a nefarious scheme to bring humanity into eternal bondage and destroy the things that we hold most dear.
We live in a very dangerous world that threatens those things that are most spiritual. The family, the fundamental organization in time and eternity, is under attack from forces seen and unseen. The adversary is about. His objective is to cause injury. If he can weaken and destroy the family, he will have succeeded. Boyd K. Packer, “These Things I Know,” April 2013 General Conference
Since the very beginning, the message of Mormonism has been “a voice of warning” regarding the imminent apocalypse and the need of the Latter-day Saints to gather and build Zion—a place of refuge from the ensuing tempest of God’s wrath. The Saints procure their safety through compliance to privileged information—higher truths revealed from heaven—and sacred (not secret) esoteric rituals reserved for only the most committed of devotees. Mormons are compelled to save their family, friends, and neighbors by awakening them to the truths of the Restored Gospel. Through such evangelism, they prepare the world for the apocalypse and subsequent millennial utopia by gathering the elect and thereby separating the wheat from the chaff.
Reminders of worldly perils, the imminent destruction of the unfaithful, and the need for vigilance and preparedness are common in Mormon discourse. Food storage, financial independence, temporal self-reliance, temple worthiness and attendance, the faithful wearing of the temple garment, and the diligent payment of tithing (“fire insurance”), and attentive watchfulness for “the signs of the times” are frequently invoked as essential duties that ensure individual and familial safety. With such regular reminders that “now is the time to prepare” and that “time is running out,” Mormons can perhaps be forgiven if they feel consistent trepidation and hypervigilance for potential threats to their fragile and carefully-maintained sense of security.
DYSPHORIC SELF-CONSCIOUSNESS
Stronger dispositions toward intuiting intentionality to the actions of others, especially hostile intent, is strongly associated with conspiracy beliefs. These intentionality and hostile attribution biases are situationally more common whenever we experience dysphoric self-consciousness—the unpleasant sensation that people are watching or judging you harshly. These feelings prompt us to engage in “spontaneous attributional search” aimed at identifying the reasons why we feel self-conscious. In essence, if one feels self-conscious, then someone must be watching; if someone is watching, then something is possibly amiss.
Research shows that three conditions increase the likelihood we will feel dysphoric self-consciousness: 1) perceptions of social-distinctiveness, 2) perceptions of being evaluated by others, an 3) uncertainty regarding one’s social standing within a group. When these conditions are met, we tend to disproportionately interpret social interactions through the lens of others scrutinizing our behavior and treating us differently on the basis of our perceived social peculiarity. These interpretations may thus become unrealistically self-referential and characterized by hypervigilance for, and rumination over, perceived threats to our self-image.
Left unchecked, these paranoid cognitions may eventually translate into paranoid behavior, as our heightened suspicion of others’ motives and intentions leads us to approach social interactions with distrust, defensiveness, or even hostility. As a consequence, our behavior comes to elicit awkward and disjointed social interactions that reinforce mutual wariness, suspicion and discomfort. That is, one’s paranoid behavior becomes a self-fulfilling prophecy by prompting others to respond in guarded and defensive ways—further enhancing feelings of otherness, perlustration, and insecurity about one’s social standing, in an increasingly paranoid feedback loop.
A Dysphoric & Peculiar People
Mormon culture is rich with persecution narratives and frequently promotes a sense of embattlement. These are found throughout the telling of Mormon history—one of the primary ways in which Mormon identity is socialized. It is also found in the frequent emphasis of Mormon peculiarity, presented as a sign of Mormon exceptionalism that also draws ridicule and animosity from the outside world. These prominent narratives encourage Mormon communities to view the outside world as foreign, hostile, and even dangerous. Therefore, Mormons are frequently enculturated with a strong sense of social distinctiveness and a predisposition toward hypervigilance directed toward “Gentiles” outside the Mormon community. Furthermore, the historically tenuous relationship between Mormonism and acceptance into the American mainstream may encourage Mormons to feel unsure and insecure about their standing in broader society.
It is common for Mormons to be encouraged to “let their light so shine” and to “be an example of the believers” to those watching and judging from the outside. Mormons are taught “every member a missionary,” therefore it is their individual duty to favorably represent the Mormon faith through their dress, words, deeds, and even “the light in their eyes.” Members are further encouraged to actively proselytize their faith by bearing testimony, sharing copies of The Book of Mormon, and inviting their non-Mormon acquaintances to church meetings or to meet with the missionaries. These efforts are often met with rejection, which may further reinforce perceptions of social peculiarity and distrust by outsiders. Taken together, Mormons are naturally enculturated to perceive themselves as socially distinct, under evaluative scrutiny, and unsure about their standing among non-Mormon society—all but ensuring the experience of dysphoric self-consciousness when separated from their Mormon community.
However, cultural factors promoting dysphoric self-consciousness are not limited to being a Mormon in Babylon, trying to “live in the world but not of the world.” Mormon communities are arranged in hierarchical structures formalized through callings, ordination, and priesthood offices. The practice of worthiness interviews conducted by one’s ecclesiastical superiors provides a regular reminder of the evaluative scrutiny within one’s own community. This is exacerbated by the many outward indicators of Mormon devotion and orthopraxy whereby members frequently evaluate each other’s faithfulness. These range from the clothes one wears, the food one eats, the entertainment one consumes, the way one speaks, and the frequency and appropriateness with which one performs the duties and expectations of being an active member of their Mormon community. Thus, members of Mormon communities may perceive evaluative scrutiny from, and feel unsure about their standing among, both their non-Mormon acquaintances and their fellow Mormons.
IV. Social Factors
People often turn to conspiracy theories when their social needs are left unsatisfied or when they feel that their social identities and self-worth are threatened. To varying degrees, each of us are motivated by desires for interpersonal bonds with close others, and by needs for acceptance and belonging balanced against a desire to maintain a sense of irreplaceable value within our social groups. We are also driven to protect against perceived threats to our personal estimations of self-worth. For some, the frustration of these needs can be abated (momentarily) via the acceptance of conspiracy narratives providing causal explanations for one’s experiences with social dysphoria, generally by scapegoating one or more out-groups.
NEED FOR BELONGING
Whether we are introverted or extroverted, we all are motivated by desires for interpersonal connection. Everyone experiences loneliness and is motivated to form bonds with, and be accepted by, close others. When relational needs for belonging are threatened, people seek to restore a sense of social support. By identifying threats to societal well-being, conspiracy theories present target out-groups upon whom believers may place the blame for their social frustrations. Furthermore, conspiracy theories are useful narratives for constructing group identities and giving believers a place and purpose within a community. In this way, conspiracy theories may provide alternative strategies for fulfilling psychosocial needs for interpersonal connection and group belonging.
The communities that form around popular conspiracy theories may provide an alternative avenue for those stymied in their efforts to satisfy needs for acceptance and belonging. Many elements of conspiracy theories may be particularly appealing to such persons. These include self-reinforcing and refutation-eluding narratives about the hidden antisocial motives of others, the reduction of complex social realities into binary “us vs them” modes of thinking, and the empowering sense of purpose and exceptionalism that comes with possessing privileged information as part of an enlightened few.
MANICHEAN WORLDVIEW
Conspiracy theories often take the form of Manichean narratives that interpret history in terms of universal struggles between good and evil. As part of conspiracy theories, Manichean narratives can become effective group identity myths by translating “good vs evil” into “us vs them” and “believer vs deceiver.” By interpreting world events as manifestations of a struggle between insidiously evil conspirators and morally-guided truth-seekers (with the ignorantly hapless masses caught in-between), conspiracy theories provide powerful narratives for creating group identity and defining the boundaries between the in-group and the out-group. “You’re either for us or against us, and if you’re against us you’re probably part of the conspiracy.”
A critical feature of most conspiracy theories is the identification of an enemy—an opponent to fight against. By portraying events as orchestrated by a malevolent conspiracy among insidiously villainous agents, conspiracy theories provide a vehicle to demonize (sometimes literally) groups of people as particularly dangerous. Furthermore, conspiracy theories empower believers with valiant purpose by identifying them as part of the courageous few who dare to resist the conspiracy. The in-group of conspiracy believers thereby become the heroes in a narrative of conflict between good and evil who bear the responsibility for protecting the hapless masses of unenlightened “sheeple.” Believers become convention-bucking truth-tellers dedicated to “awakening” the ignorant masses to the realities of the conspiracy.
As narratives that both create new group identities and instill those identities with urgent purpose, conspiracy theories are powerful tools for providing social belonging—particularly among those who otherwise feel powerless, disenfranchised, or otherwise at odds with society. Conspiracy believers may see themselves as part of a community centered around a common purpose. They may seek out and find groups of like-minded believers online or through dedicated organizations where they are provided affirmation and acceptance as part of an urgently important group. They may learn specialized language shared by others within their conspiracist community that serves as a shibboleth for group belonging. Most importantly, conspiracy theories empower believers with a sense of belonging in a purpose-driven community in which they can individually make vital contributions.
A Chosen Generation for the LAtter-Days
Mormon communities are famously insular. A strong sense of peculiarity relative to broader society may strengthen tendencies toward inward belonging and outward wariness. That is, the perception that Mormon values and beliefs are not respected by outsiders may encourage individuals to seek belonging preferentially among their Mormon peers. As a result, those raised in Mormon communities may find that the vast majority of their closest social relationships are with other Mormons. Mileage may vary depending on whether or not a person is raised in a Mormon-only family or lives in a Mormon-dense geographical area. However, even for those living in “the mission field,” perceptions of social peculiarity in non-Mormon society may still encourage preferential formation of social bonds within one’s Mormon community, insofar as one is able. Consequently, it is not uncommon for one’s “ward family” to become one’s primary social community.
Additionally, Mormon teachings are positively riddled with Manichean narratives. Indeed, the overarching narrative of Mormonism is one of conflict between good and evil with eternal consequences for human beings. A war is being fought between Satan and his servants, who desire to enslave humanity and deprive them of their agency, against God’s plan to liberate and exalt those who choose to obey his commandments. Latter-day Saints are elite warriors in this conflict reserved for its final and most decisive hour, preparing the way for Christ’s imminent return and the final victory over the forces of evil. All of Mormon theology connects into this grand Manichean narrative.
Within the Manichean narrative of the Restoration, Mormons consider themselves heroic underdogs who bear a special responsibility to participate in the gathering of Israel and to prepare the world for the Second Coming of Christ. The forces of Satan are combined to fight against the church but the Latter-day Saints will prevail as they awaken the sleeping masses to the restored truths revealed through God’s prophets and apostles. Members are taught that “it becometh every man who hath been warned to warn his neighbor” and that they should “speak with boldness, having authority from God; and [to] fear not what man can do, for perfect love casteth out all fear” (D&C 88:81; Moroni 8:16). Thus, Mormons are enculturated with a sense of belonging to an elect group bearing a cosmically significant purpose in which they are expected to make vital contributions.
NEED FOR UNIQUENESS
A tension exists within every community between finding belonging through conformity to social norms and maintaining a sense of autonomy through one’s uniqueness. That is, everyone desires to feel like they belong and are accepted by other members of their community, but they also want to perceive themselves as especially valued contributors, or in the very least—not expendable. Endorsing anomalous beliefs and conspiracy narratives may provide one means whereby people may differentiate themselves from their peers.
Nearly all conspiracy theories offer the sense of personal enlightenment that comes from possessing coveted knowledge held exclusively by an elect few. This sense of privileged knowledge may make conspiracy theories particularly alluring to persons motivated to differentiate themselves within their community. Indeed, people find conspiracy theories more appealing when informed that they are endorsed by only a small minority, or after performing a writing task that emphasizes self-comparison with others.
Peculiar By Design
Mormonism relishes in its peculiarity. Mormons embrace the concept of being a peculiar people as an identifying mark of being chosen by God—tying themselves to the early Israelites from whom Mormons claim ancestry. Mormon doctrines favor the esoteric and are presented as the restoration of ancient wisdom lost from orthodox religion as a result of “the Great Apostasy.” The fact that Mormon teachings significantly deviate from traditional Christian doctrines is interpreted not as the mark of heresy, but an indicator of Mormon enlightenment and the apostasy of Christendom.
Indeed, foundational Mormon scripture sets it apart as peculiar and distinct from traditional Christianity. The Book of Mormon represents a collection of apocryphal writings by ancient American prophets presenting an unconventional narrative for the history of Israel and of Indigenous American peoples. A product of Joseph Smith’s revision of the Bible, The Book of Moses constitutes an alternative version of the first six chapters of Genesis that expands upon and reinterprets what has been the official identity myth of Judaism and traditional Christianity for millennia. Similarly, The Book of Abraham presents an alternative cosmology that replaces traditional Christian monotheism with a henotheist plurality of gods, reinterprets the Biblical creation myth, and introduces a number of the doctrinal ideas that distinguish Mormonism from mainstream Christianity.
Mormon communities today retain a fascination with unconventional practices and ideas. Energy healing and essential oils, for instance, are so commonplace in Mormon communities that they are practically mundane. The multi-level marketing that is so ubiquitous in Mormon communities can also be seen as an alternative occupational strategy to conventional employment. The prevalence of charter school enrollment and homeschooling in Mormon communities is driven in part by the rejection of mainstream public education. Best-selling books by Mormon publishers are frequently devoted to topics such as near-death experiences, faith-promoting pseudohistory, and scriptural or visionary apocalypticism.
Consider also the concept of “deep doctrine”—Mormon ideas existing outside even the Mormon mainstream that represent gnostic truths that only the spiritually enlightened can comprehend. Deep doctrines often represent the most unconventional and esoteric of Mormon beliefs. Knowledge of deep Mormon doctrine is used by some as a means of differentiation within Mormon communities—an indicator of their deeper understanding and diligent devotion to the teachings of the faith. The intermingling of conspiracist pseudohistory with deep Mormon doctrines is a common feature of many online Mormon discussion groups, particularly those devoted to more fundamentalist expressions of the faith.
The Quest for American Belonging
Mormonism’s turbulent relationship with acceptance into the American mainstream has left an inter-generational trauma scar on Mormon culture such that members are enculturated to perceive that broader society treats Mormons with something between scoffing dismissal and suspicious trepidation. That is, Mormons are socially prepared to perceive themselves as outsiders relative to the broader society in which they live and are thus primed to interpret social interactions through that lens.
For most of the 19th century, Mormon distinctiveness was emphasized by Mormon leaders who promoted a deliberate nonconformity for their people. This did not improve the perceptions of outsiders, whose increasingly fervent concerns and public derision only further reinforced Mormon attitudes. However, as outside pressures continued to mount, Latter-day Saints eventually were compelled to change course and acquiesce to external pressures for conformity. Over the course of the 20th century, the Latter-day Saints pursued a course of noncommittal assimilation into the American mainstream.
Latter-day Saints pursued American belonging via two primary strategies: 1) distancing Mormonism from previously ridiculed practices and beliefs, and 2) courting in-group acceptance among religious and political conservatives by demonstrating their commitment to opposing the same out-groups. These transitions have been messy and inconsistent, as Mormons have had to try to balance their pursuit of acceptance via social conformity with the necessity of preserving their unique identity. The tension between these two has historically been the catalyst for the proliferation of Mormon fundamentalist groups and continues to vex the church today. Through their attempts to sweep inconvenient historical teachings and practices down the memory hole, church leaders have inadvertently created an environment in which official narratives are questionable, esoteric ideas and practices are plentiful, and the perception of cover-up is easily justifiable. All of these create a social environment ripe for conspiracy theories.
Groups often construct their identities by designating who they exclude. Mormons strove for belonging among religious and political conservatives by adopting their same villains and the narratives about them. Formerly considered a distinct race, Mormons emphasized their Whiteness by doubling down on anti-Blackness. Once aggressively communitarian, Mormons demonstrated their patriotism by embracing the anti-communist fears and rhetoric of American conservatives. They courted acceptance among conservatives during the social liberation movements of the ‘60s and ‘70s by amplifying the conspiracy narratives of the Eagle Forum and the John Birch Society. Throughout this ongoing quest for belonging, Mormons have bought their tenuous acceptance among American conservatives via the social currency of conspiracy theories about shared out-groups.
COLLECTIVE NARCISSISM
Conspiracy beliefs are also associated with collective narcissism—exaggerated perceptions of the greatness of one’s social group (be it nation, ethnicity, religion, etc.) and a conviction that it is not sufficiently appreciated by others. Collective narcissism is characterized by heightened sensitivity to in-group criticism or the lack of recognition from others, stemming from a compulsion to proclaim in-group worth. It is also a predictor of out-group hostility, especially in the context of perceived threats to the in-group’s status. For individuals high in collective narcissism, conspiracy theories may serve as an explanation for why one’s in-group does not receive the recognition it deserves and to blame others for in-group misfortunes.
Collective narcissism can be expressed in grandiose and vulnerable forms. In the grandiose expression, collective narcissism manifests as group exceptionalism—beliefs that the in-group is unusual or extraordinary in ways that imply superiority. These beliefs are frequently buoyed by pseudo-scholarship that overemphasizes the strengths and achievements of the in-group while downplaying weaknesses and failures. This self-serving bias is often applied to science by emphasizing research that reinforces ideas of in-group exceptionalism while ignoring or discounting science that undermines those narratives.
Similarly, collective narcissists will interpret and retell their history in a manner that portrays the group in an unrealistically positive light by selectively emphasizing or exaggerating stories demonstrating the valiance, virtuousness, or moral integrity of the group, whilst sanitizing or discounting episodes of hypocrisy, unscrupulousness, or moral depravity by group members. Collective narcissists may also demonstrate a strong desire for historical closure, which attenuates feelings of collective guilt and obligation for reparations to victims for past in-group sins. That is, collective narcissism often manifests in defensive desires to distance oneself from events of the past that might undermine the positive image of one’s in-group.
Mormon Exceptionalism
Aggrandized self-importance and perceived lack of appreciation by outsiders are prominent features of the Mormon Restoration narrative. In the introductory section of the Doctrine and Covenants, Jesus personally declares approval of the faith as “the only true and living church upon the face of the whole earth, with which I, the Lord, am well pleased” (D&C 1:30). Notwithstanding the Lord’s personal approval, Mormons are also frequently taught that the true worth of Mormonism is not adequately appreciated by outsiders. The Doctrine and Covenants also teaches that “there are many yet on the earth among all sects, parties, and denominations, who are blinded by the subtle craftiness of men, whereby they lie in wait to deceive, and who are only kept from the truth because they know not where to find it” (D&C 123:12). Note the conspiracist tenor of this passage, which evokes hidden truths actively suppressed by shadowy, malevolent actors.
Examples of Mormon figures extolling the underappreciated and unparalleled worth of Mormonism are plentiful. It is taught from every pulpit, in every meetinghouse, at every level of the church. It is a mainstay of General Conference addresses and turns up in innumerable church publications. Messaging about the greatness and importance of Mormonism is inescapable within Mormon communities. However, because it is often intermixed with messaging encouraging humility, the frequent laudations of Mormon supremacy can be easy for some to dismiss. Mormon messaging often combines reminders to avoid haughtiness with simultaneous expositions of the various ways in which Mormonism is superior to other faith traditions.
Especially prominent among Mormon narratives of exceptionalism are generations of teachings promoting Anglo-Israelism that identify white European Mormons as the literal blood descendants and heirs to the blessings of the scattered tribes of Israel. These sometimes even go so far as to identify Joseph Smith and other prominent Mormon figures as direct descendants of Jesus Christ. These ideas were aggressively promoted by Mormon leaders through official channels and dedicated organizations, such as the Genealogical Society of Utah (the predecessor to FamilySearch), before waning in popularity in the decades after World War II. However, these ideas are still vigorously promoted by some Mormon publishers, church leaders, and other prominent Mormon figures. In some Mormon communities, they remain unabashedly taught as centrally doctrinal ideas.
Siege Mentality
The vulnerable expression of collective narcissism manifests as a shared sense of victimization and defensiveness termed siege mentality. It is characterized by pronounced hostility to in-group criticism, insularity and out-group wariness, and hypervigilance regarding persecution or marginalization of the in-group. Importantly, group siege mentality may be justified by historically factual experiences of persecution and marginalization of group members. However, exaggerated retelling of these episodes can further intensify siege mentality and collective narcissism, especially when historic experiences with persecution are a central feature defining group identity.
Defending the image of the social groups with which one identifies is one means whereby people defend against perceived threats to their self-image. To maintain a positive group image and compensate for insecurity regarding group social standing, perceived victimhood can motivate the use of conspiracy stereotypes to unite the in-group against a scapegoat out-group. A common strategy employed by collective narcissists in response to criticism of the in-group is to attack the credibility or integrity of critics. This tendency is especially true for persons who are chronically defensive about their in-group.
Collective narcissists tend to be more concerned with how the group image reflects on their self-image than with benefiting other in-group members. Hypervigilance over threats to group image may therefore foster suspicion between in-group members. Such a tendency can motivate intra-group surveillance wherein members of the in-group evaluate each other to identify potential “wolves in sheep’s clothing.” Evidence shows that individuals scoring high in collective narcissism are more willing to engage in conspiratorial plots against members of their in-group, which is explained by a tendency among collective narcissists to believe that other in-group members are also conspiring against them.
Mormon Embattlement
Perceptions of in-group misrepresentation, marginalization, and persecution are extremely prevalent in Mormon communities and represent a significant part of Mormon cultural identity. Persecution narratives are arguably the most recurring theme in the telling of church history within Mormon communities, beginning with Joseph Smith’s theophany as a youth and climaxing with his martyrdom in Carthage, Illinois. The story of Mormonism is one of its devotees being driven from New York and then from Ohio, being massacred and expelled from Missouri under the force of an extermination order, the murder of their beloved prophet in Illinois, and being forced to flee US territory via a grueling and deadly trek to Utah, only to be further harangued by the US government over the practice of polygamy.
Truly, Mormons have historically faced derision and persecution—sometimes violent—throughout the history of their faith and this reality arguably justifies much of the insularity and trepidation in Mormon communities. However, the predominant historical narrative taught in Mormondom has a tendency to hyperbolize experiences with historic persecution and to exaggerate Mormon innocence, virtue, and moral integrity. It ignores that Mormons often knowingly provoked their neighbors and gave out as good as they got. None of this justifies the unjust treatment Mormons experienced throughout our early history. Nevertheless, the predominant Mormon retelling of our cultural history is more often than not distorted by a self-serving bias that betrays the complex and messy realities of the past by sanitizing Mormon faults and failures from the narrative.
Hypervigilance against threats to group identity often also directs inwardly as a search for “wolves in sheep’s clothing” among members of the in-group. We see powerful examples of this in Mormon communities, such as the 1966 BYU spy ring and the Strengthening Church Members Committee (SCMC). The former constitutes an effort at BYU to identify gay and lesbian students and subject them to expulsion and church discipline. The SCMC has a history of sniffing out Mormon fundamentalists—or active Mormon dissidents—within the rank and file members of the church, and subjecting them to church discipline. It was first revealed to the public with the leak of the Pace Memorandum, which detailed efforts by LDS leaders to investigate rumors of satanic ritual abuse among the general membership during the height of the Satanic Panic. Beyond these glaring examples, we also observe this inward boundary maintenance in the more mundane tendency within Mormon communities for members to covertly monitor the faithfulness of each other, both in terms of beliefs and practice.
V. Conclusion
As we have seen, Mormon communities are well characterized by many of the motivational variables that social psychologists have identified as encouraging conspiracist beliefs and worldviews. These include a communal aspiration for epistemic certainty and the prioritization of intuition over skeptical analysis as a means of discerning truth, as well as community discourse and practices that may facilitate experiences of dysphoric self-consciousness, encourage the development of collective narcissism, and intensify needs for belonging and uniqueness in the formation of social identity.
Mormon communities are teeming with conspiracist discourses—both historic and contemporary. Examples include anti-Mormon plots to persecute, defraud, or murder the Saints, the underground practices of polygamy in Nauvoo and territorial Utah, and numerous oath-bound secret societies such as the Danites, the Quorum of the Anointed, the Council of Fifty, and the Council of Friends. Competing theories are promoted regarding who started Mormon polygamy, who killed Joseph Smith, who holds the keys of the priesthood, how Joseph Smith convinced early members to follow him, and whether the LDS church is intentionally deceiving members regarding its truth claims and history.
Some Mormon conspiracist discourse is also enshrined in Mormon scripture, including, for example, narratives about secret combinations (Ether 8), a conspiracy to steal and alter the early Book of Mormon translation manuscript (D&C 10), murderous plots against the Saints “in the secret chambers” (D&C 38:13, 28), “the Nicolaitane band and of all their secret abominations” (D&C 117:11), the order of Master Mahan (Moses 5), “evils and designs […] of conspiring men in the last days” (D&C 89:4), and “the subtle craftiness of men” who “lie in wait to deceive” and keep earnest seekers from the truth via “hidden things of darkness” (D&C 123:12–14).
For all these reasons, I submit that Mormonism provides fertile soil for the development and proliferation of conspiracy theories. Mormon culture may justifiably be considered a conspiracy culture, though none dare call it such. One could go so far as to claim that Mormonism breeds paranoid men and women, but certainly not all Mormons develop conspiracist worldviews. My hope is that by analyzing, identifying, and discussing the ways that Mormon teachings and practices may encourage some Mormons to endorse conspiracy theories, we can develop better strategies to curtail their proliferation within our Mormon communities.