Welcome to Part 3 in a series of essays exploring the psychology of conspiracism and the social dynamics of Mormon communities. Our goal is to identify ways that Mormon cultural norms may encourage the enculturation of ideas, attitudes, and behaviors that are congruent with a conspiracist worldview. I am operating from the research-informed perspective that everyone is susceptible to conspiracy ideation, supported by the reliable finding that nearly everyone endorses one popular conspiracy theory or another (Brotherton, 2015). That said, some individuals express what may be described as a conspiracist worldview, wherein they endorse many conspiracy theories and interpret the world around them through a generalized conspiracy-informed lens.

Rather than asking what is characteristically unique about people who become generalized conspiracists, my focus is on examining how the features of some social environments encourage the enculturation of conspiracist attitudes and behavior. In particular, I am interested in understanding how Mormon ideas and cultural dynamics may contribute to the development of Mormon-informed conspiracist worldviews. This is NOT to say that all Mormons are inherently paranoid or that being enculturated within Mormonism dooms individuals to become conspiracy theorists. Generalized conspiracism is still the exception, not the rule, among Mormons. However, it has been my observation that conspiracy ideation is prevalent in Mormon communities and typically manifests in uniquely Mormon ways. This essay series and the research project of which it is a part are dedicated to better understanding why that is and what it tells us about humanity in general, not only Mormons specifically.

Too often, the question of why people believe conspiracy theories becomes a question of who believes conspiracy theories. While psychologists have made some strides in identifying people who are most likely to take conspiracy theories seriously, perhaps more importantly we have started to move beyond the who. We also know something about when conspiracy theories are most plausible, how they fit into larger systems of belief, and what the effects (and, perhaps, functions) of conspiracy theories are. The "why" is a much broader question that encompasses all of these areas.

Wood & Douglas (2018). "Conspiracy Theory Psychology."

In the previous installments of this series, we explored the epistemic and existential motivations that promote belief in conspiracy theories. In this essay we will examine various social motives supporting conspiracy belief before considering how they are expressed in Mormon communities. As with our discussions thus far, this essay with summarize findings in the research literature on conspiracy beliefs mixed with periodic discussions of how these findings may apply to Mormon communities.

Social Motives

People often turn to conspiracy theories when their social needs are left unsatisfied or when they feel that their social identities and self-worth are threatened. To varying degrees, each of us are motivated by desires for interpersonal bonds with close others, and by needs for acceptance and belonging balanced against a desire to maintain a sense of irreplaceable value within our social groups. We are also driven to protect against perceived threats to our personal estimations of self-worth. For some, the frustration of these needs can be abated (momentarily) via the acceptance of conspiracy narratives providing causal explanations for one’s experiences with social dysphoria, generally by scapegoating one or more out-groups.

Frustration of social needs for uniqueness, belonging, and positive self-image are each associated with conspiracy beliefs. Endorsing anomalous beliefs and conspiracy theories are one means whereby people may differentiate themselves from their social peers (Gligoric et al., 2021). For those who feel socially isolated or at odds with broader society (i.e., anomie), participation in conspiracy theory communities may satisfy needs for belonging among others with common values and interests (Biddlestone et al., 2021). For yet others, conspiracy theories may be recruited to defend the self or in-group from perceived threats to their reputation and perceived worth, or may explain why the self or in-group does not receive the recognition and special treatment to which one feels entitled (Cichocka, 2016).

However, data suggests that conspiracy ideation does not ultimately satisfy these frustrated social needs. By virtue of their negative and distrustful representation of others, conspiracy theories may serve not only as a symptom but also a cause of alienation and social dysphoria (Douglas, Sutton, & Cichocka, 2017). Therefore, conspiracy theories may represent an appealing—if not ultimately satisfying—means of gratifying needs for uniqueness, belonging, and positive self-image (Douglas, Sutton, & Cichocka, 2017). In the sections below, we will elaborate further on these ideas and explore how features of Mormon communities may exacerbate the social motives that encourage conspiracy ideation.

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Table of Contents

1. Need for Belonging
2. Need for Uniqueness
3. Narcissism

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Need for Belonging

Whether we are introverted or extroverted, we all are motivated by desires for interpersonal connection. Everyone experiences loneliness and is motivated to form bonds with, and be accepted by, others. When relational needs for belonging are threatened, people seek to restore a sense of social support (Biddlestone et al., 2021). By identifying threats to societal well-being, conspiracy theories present target out-groups upon whom believers may place the blame for their social frustrations. Furthermore, conspiracy theories are useful narratives for constructing group identities and giving believers a place and purpose within a community. In this way, conspiracy theories may provide alternative strategies for fulfilling psychosocial needs for interpersonal connection and group belonging.

As discussed in a previous essay, research demonstrates that conspiracy ideation is strengthened by feelings of social ostracism, disillusionment, and social exclusion (Douglas, Sutton, & Cichocka, 2017; Biddlestone et al., 2021). Perceptions of “outsiderdom” and that one’s personal values and beliefs are not represented by mainstream society (i.e., anomie) are strongly correlated with the endorsement of conspiracy theories in diverse groups (Wood & Douglas, 2018). Furthermore, experiences of dysphoric self-consciousness facilitate paranoid social behavior and are occasioned by feelings of social distinctiveness, evaluative scrutiny, and insecurity regarding one’s social standing (Kramer, 1998). Together, these observations indicate that dissatisfaction of psychological needs for acceptance and belonging present significant risks in motivating conspiracy ideation.

The communities that form around popular conspiracy theories may provide an alternative avenue for those stymied in their efforts to satisfy needs for acceptance and belonging in mainstream society. Many elements of conspiracy theories may make them particularly appealing to such persons. These include self-reinforcing and refutation-eluding narratives about the hidden antisocial motives of others, the reduction of complex social realities into binary “us vs them” modes of thinking, and the empowering sense of purpose and exceptionality that comes with possessing privileged information as part of an enlightened few. Let us briefly explore these below.

Manichean Worldview

Conspiracy theories often take the form of melodramatic narratives that interpret history in terms of universal struggles between good and evil. Psychologically speaking, such Manichean narratives are alluring because they reduce confusing or ambiguous information into simple dichotomies and familiar narratives that facilitate the storage and retrieval of information from memory (Oliver & Wood, 2014). That is, Manichean narratives are intuitively appealing because they are unambiguous (need for certainty), familiar (representativeness heuristic), and ubiquitous (availability heuristic). Unfortunately, holding a generally Manichean worldview is strongly associated with a wide-range of conspiracy beliefs (Oliver & Wood, 2014).

Manichean narratives are an expression of dichotomous thinking—a “propensity to think in terms of binary opposition, such as ‘black or white,’ ‘good or bad,’ and ‘all or nothing'” (Oshio, 2012). While useful for quick decision-making, dichotomous thinking is associated with conspiracism and a wide range of social and behavioral problems, such as eating disorders, borderline and narcissistic personality disorders, depression, and suicidality (Oshio, 2012). As part of conspiracy theories, Manichean narratives can become effective group identity myths by translating “good vs evil” into “us vs them” and “believer vs deceiver.” By interpreting world events as manifestations of a struggle between insidiously evil conspirators and morally-guided truth-seekers (with the ignorantly hapless masses caught in-between), conspiracy theories provide powerful narratives for creating group identity and defining the boundaries between the in-group and the out-group. “You’re either for us or against us, and if you’re against us you’re probably part of the conspiracy.”

Heroic Underdogs

In addition to reducing complicated realities into simple dichotomies that can mythologize group identity, conspiracy theories can also provide believers with a sense of purpose. A critical feature of every conspiracy theory is the identification of an enemy—an opponent to fight against. By portraying events as orchestrated by a malevolent conspiracy among insidiously villainous agents, conspiracy theories provide a vehicle to demonize (sometimes literally) groups of people as particularly dangerous. Furthermore, conspiracy theories empower believers with valiant purpose by identifying them as part of the courageous few who dare to resist the conspiracy. The in-group of conspiracy believers thereby become the heroes in a narrative of conflict between good and evil who bear the responsibility for protecting the hapless masses of unenlightened “sheeple.” Believers become convention-bucking truth-tellers dedicated to “awakening” the ignorant masses to the realities of the conspiracy. In rare cases, they may be driven to social activism or even acts of violent extremism.

As narratives that both create new group identities and instill those identities with urgent purpose, conspiracy theories are powerful tools for providing social belonging—particularly among those who otherwise feel powerless, disenfranchised, or otherwise at odds with society. Conspiracy believers may see themselves as part of a community centered around a common purpose. They may seek out and find groups of like-minded believers online or through dedicated organizations where they are provided affirmation and acceptance as part of an urgently important group. They may learn specialized language shared by others within their conspiracist community that serves as a shibboleth for group belonging (Montell, 2021). This community may feature its own celebrities and heroes in the form of renegade doctors, scientists, or social commentators who courageously speak out against the medical establishment, conventional science, or the mainstream media—even in the face of social backlash by the unenlightened (and allies of the conspiracy). Most importantly, conspiracy theories empower believers with a sense of belonging in a purpose-driven community in which they can individually make vital contributions.

Even more than making heroes out of a few renegades, though, conspiracy theories offer to make heroic underdogs of us all. A conspiracy theory is an invitation to join an enlightened but embattled minority—an elect few who bravely, selflessly speak truth to power.

Brotherton (2015). "Suspicious Minds: Why We Believe Conspiracy Theories," p. 150.

The Quest for Communal Belonging

Mormonism’s turbulent relationship with acceptance into the American mainstream has left an intergenerational trauma scar on Mormon culture such that members are enculturated to perceive that broader society treats Mormons with something between scoffing dismissal and suspicious trepidation. That is, Mormons are socially prepared to perceive themselves as outsiders relative to the broader society in which they live and are thus primed to interpret social interactions through that lens. Much of this perception is justified. Mormons are often seen as a peculiarity and made the subject of satire. Evangelical groups dedicated to deconverting Mormons and preaching against the faith are not hard to find. A simple image search for “Mormon political cartoons” turns up hundreds of unfavorable and derisive portrayals of Mormondom. Without question, Mormons have historically been excluded from acceptance as part of the American mainstream.

For most of the 19th century, Mormon distinctiveness was emphasized by Mormon leaders who promoted a deliberate nonconformity for their people. This did not improve the perceptions of outsiders, whose increasingly fervent concerns and public derision only further reinforced Mormon attitudes. However, as outside pressures continued to mount, Latter-day Saints eventually were compelled to change course and acquiesce to external pressures for conformity. Over the course of the 20th century, the most prominent denominational grouping in Mormondom pursued a course of noncommittal assimilation into the American mainstream.

Latter-day Saints pursued American belonging via two primary strategies: 1) distancing Mormonism from previously ridiculed practices and beliefs, and 2) courting in-group acceptance among religious and political conservatives by demonstrating their commitment to opposing the same out-groups. Previously distinctive practices and beliefs were deemphasized, abandoned, or even actively preached against—such as polygamy, the United Order, the Adam-God doctrine, blood atonement, etc. These transitions have been messy and inconsistent, as Mormons have had to try to balance their pursuit of acceptance via social conformity with the necessity of preserving their unique identity. The tension between these two has historically been the catalyst for the proliferation of Mormon fundamentalist groups and continues to vex the church today. Through their attempts to sweep inconvenient historical teachings and practices down the memory hole, church leaders have inadvertently created an environment in which official narratives are questionable, esoteric ideas and practices are plentiful, and the perception of cover-up is easily justifiable. All of these create a social environment ripe for conspiracy theories.

Groups often construct their identities by designating who they exclude. Mormons strove for belonging among religious and political conservatives by adopting their same villains and the narratives about them. Formerly considered a distinct race, Mormons emphasized their whiteness by doubling down on anti-Blackness. Once aggressively communitarian, Mormons demonstrated their patriotism by embracing the anti-communist fears and rhetoric of American conservatives. Mormons continued to court acceptance among conservatives during the Civil Rights Movement by amplifying the conspiracy narratives of the John Birch Society, who considered the movement a communist plot. As attitudes shifted in favor of desegregation, Mormons again found themselves awkwardly outside the mainstream. Having invested so much in anti-Blackness, however, it took the LDS church another decade to abandon the temple and priesthood restrictions. Even as they did, Mormons continued to demonstrate their commitment to American social conservatism by embracing anti-feminism, anti-queerness, and generalized anti-liberalism. Through this 20th-century quest for communal belonging, Mormons bought their tenuous acceptance among American conservatives via the social currency of conspiracy theories about shared out-groups.

A Marvellous Work and a Wonder

Several features of Mormon culture may contribute to the socialization of conspiracist attitudes. Mormon communities are famously insular. A strong sense of anomic peculiarity relative to broader society may strengthen tendencies toward inward belonging and outward wariness. That is, the perception that Mormon values and beliefs are not respected by outsiders may encourage individuals to seek belonging preferentially among their Mormon peers. As a result, those raised in Mormon communities may find that the vast majority of their closest social relationships are with other Mormons. Mileage may vary depending on whether or not a person is raised in a Mormon-only family or lives in a Mormon-dense geographical area. However, even for those living in “the mission field,” perceptions of social peculiarity in non-Mormon society may still encourage preferential formation of social bonds within one’s Mormon community, insofar as one is able. Consequently, it is not uncommon for one’s “ward family” to become one’s primary social community.

Some have argued that member missionary work fosters group belonging by encouraging members to find themselves in social situations where experiences of dysphoric self-consciousness are all but assured. Members are often encouraged to be bold in their proselytizing efforts by violating conventional social boundaries, which typically increases the awkwardness of these social encounters. When members are rejected or rebuffed by their non-Mormon peers, this reinforces perceptions of anomie and social ostracism. This is juxtaposed by the social reinforcement members receive within their Mormon community for being courageous in fulfilling their missionary responsibilities. The overall effect, it is argued, is to strengthen social bonds within the Mormon community while reinforcing perceptions of “otherness” outside of that community.

Additionally, Mormon teachings are positively riddled with Manichean narratives. Indeed, the overarching narrative of Mormonism is one of conflict between good and evil with eternal consequences for human beings. Two plans were presented regarding the fate of humanity before a premortal grand council—one noble and one despotic. A war was fought over the decision and continues to be fought over the agency of human beings in mortality. Satan and his servants are actively working to undermine God’s plan for the immortality and eternal life of humankind. Latter-day Saints are elite warriors in this conflict reserved for its final and most decisive hour, preparing the way for Christ’s imminent return and the final victory over the forces of evil. All of Mormon theology extends outward from this grand Manichean narrative.

Beyond the Plan of Salvation, however, narratives rooted in dichotomous thinking are prevalent in Mormon thought. We’ve already discussed the distinction between “the Saints” and the “Gentile” world—a quintessential “us vs them” narrative. Consider also the discourse on “anti-Mormon literature” and relying on trustworthy sources. The Priesthood Correlation Program ensures that LDS instructional materials are carefully constructed to present the most faith-promoting perspective of Mormon teachings, practices, and history. Latter-day Saints are discouraged from augmenting their lesson plans with information from outside sources. They are encouraged to limit themselves to church-approved materials when searching for answers to questions about Mormon teachings and history. A dichotomy is repeatedly drawn between the safety and veracity of church-controlled materials vs the dangers and deception of outsider perspectives. A parallel dichotomy is commonly drawn between “divine truth” and “the philosophies of men.”

Similar dichotomies are sometimes applied to people, especially when encouraging members to avoid disaffected members. In a recent worldwide devotional to young single adults, Russell and Wendy Nelson warned against “brushes with those in the great and spacious building” that can lead to spiritual death, and further admonished: “Don’t pollute [your testimony] with the false philosophies of unbelieving men and women.”

Within the Manichean narrative of the Restoration, Mormons consider themselves heroic underdogs who bear a special responsibility to participate in the gathering of Israel and to prepare the world for the Second Coming of Christ. The forces of Satan are combined to fight against the church but the Latter-day Saints will prevail as they awaken the sleeping masses to the restored truths revealed through God’s prophets and apostles. Members are taught that “it becometh every man who hath been warned to warn his neighbor” and that they should “speak with boldness, having authority from God; and [to] fear not what man can do, for perfect love casteth out all fear” (D&C 88:81; Moroni 8:16). Thus, Mormons are enculturated with a sense of belonging to an elect group bearing a cosmically significant purpose in which they are expected to make vital contributions. This group features its own heroes who represent courageously unconventional prophets and apostles who “are rarely popular, but [who] will always teach the truth.” Members are taught to revere these figures and emulate their examples.

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Need for Uniqueness

As social creatures, we each develop a sense of self through comparative distinctions from others in our social environment. A tension exists within every community between finding belonging through conformity to social norms and maintaining a sense of autonomy through one’s uniqueness. That is, everyone desires to feel like they belong and are accepted by other members of their community, but they also want to perceive themselves as especially valued contributors, or in the very least—not expendable (Biddlestone et al., 2021). Endorsing anomalous beliefs and conspiracy narratives may provide one means whereby people may differentiate themselves from their peers.

Nearly all conspiracy theories offer the sense of personal enlightenment that comes from possessing coveted knowledge held exclusively by an elect few (Lantian et al., 2017; Biddlestone et al., 2021). This sense of privileged knowledge may make conspiracy theories particularly alluring to persons motivated to differentiate themselves within their community. Indeed, people find conspiracy theories more appealing when informed that they are endorsed by only a small minority, or after performing a writing task that emphasizes self-comparison with others (Imhoff & Lamberty, 2017; Lantian et al., 2017).

Intellectual Hipsterism

Research frequently demonstrates that there is the strong association between conspiracy beliefs and preference for information or wisdom outside the mainstream (Brotherton, 2015; Robertson & Dyrendal, 2018). Cultural immersion in esoteric thought and unconventional practices is a strong and reliable predictor for conspiracy belief and generalized conspiracy mindset. Referred to as the cultic milieu, such beliefs include astrology, numerology, New Age spirituality, alternative medicine, pseudohistory, the paranormal, and many other categories of unorthodox practices or beliefs.

Some researchers have argued that “beliefs in conspiracy theories, as well as the larger belief systems they are built on, are better understood as disbeliefs” (Wood & Douglas, 2018). That is, conspiracy beliefs—as well as endorsement of the unorthodox disciplines of the cultic milieu—are primarily driven by a distrust of conventional knowledge and institutions. This is supported by the observation that advocates for conspiracy theories in online discussions invoke arguments against mainstream or official explanations more often than providing evidence supporting their own (Wood & Douglas, 2018).

The idea that the cultic milieu is primarily defined by distrust of official or conventional knowledge helps to explain why conspiracy beliefs are so strongly correlated with endorsement of these disciplines. As Robertson and Dyrendal (2018) explain:

Historically springing from a mystical form of religion negatively inclined toward orthodoxy-oriented religion, the milieu's skepticism of orthodoxy and authority also more and more included the sciences, as the latter took over the role of epistemic gatekeepers. The milieu has thus become characterized by a network-based circulation of "rejected knowledge," with a shared identity based on deviance and opposition to perceived orthodoxies. It defines itself through what it opposes—mainstream science and religion—while also drawing on esoteric heritage.

These observations suggest that perhaps we ought to consider conspiracy beliefs as a part of the general cultic milieu. After all, conspiracy narratives nearly always feature 1) distrust of official or mainstream information, 2) a perception of ulterior motives, 3) an assumption that things are not as they seem, 4) a sense of personal enlightenment in knowing hidden truths, and 5) a penchant for “connecting the dots” through esoteric channels.

However, we should be mindful that while beliefs in specific conspiracy theories may be unconventional, belief in one or more conspiracy narratives is incredibly common. For instance, polls repeatedly find that a majority of Americans prefer conspiracy theories regarding the JFK Jr. assassination over the official account that he was killed by Oswald alone. Others have found that majorities of the American public believe in at least one debunked conspiracy theory or another (Brotherton, 2015). Therefore, perhaps we should avoid the impulse to ostracize those who endorse conspiracy theories in the same way that we often do of those who embrace other elements of the cultic milieu. Not only does it rest on faulty assumptions that “they” are fundamentally different from “us,” social ostracism may strengthen feelings of anomie and encourage further rejection of the mainstream.

Intentionally Peculiar

Mormonism relishes in its peculiarity. Mormons embrace the concept of being a peculiar people as an identifying mark of being chosen by God—tying themselves to the early Israelites from whom Mormons claim descendance. Mormon doctrines favor the esoteric and are presented as the restoration of ancient wisdom lost from orthodox religion as a result of “the Great Apostasy.” The fact that Mormon teachings significantly deviate from traditional Christian doctrines is interpreted not as the mark of heresy, but an indicator of Mormon enlightenment and the apostasy of Christendom.

Indeed, foundational Mormon scripture sets it apart as peculiar and distinct from traditional Christianity. The Book of Mormon represents a collection of apocryphal writings by ancient American prophets presenting an unconventional narrative for the history of Israel and of Indigenous American peoples. A product of Joseph Smith’s revision of the Bible, The Book of Moses constitutes an alternative version of the first six chapters of Genesis that expands upon and reinterprets what has been the official identity myth of Judaism and traditional Christianity for millenia. Similarly, The Book of Abraham presents an alternative cosmology that replaces traditional Christian monotheism with a henotheist plurality of gods, reinterprets the Biblical creation myth, and introduces a number of the doctrinal ideas that distinguish Mormonism from mainstream Christianity.

The late D. Michael Quinn observed that ideas presented in The Book of Moses and The Book of Abraham appear to draw inspiration from occultist literature, such as Francis Barrett’s The Magus and the Kabbalah—namely, separate creations of spiritual and physical matter, the pre-existence of the soul, and the tradition that Abraham wrote a treatise on the creation. Indeed, the central theme of Quinn’s essential text, Early Mormonism and the Magic World View, is that Joseph Smith and early Mormon converts were fully immersed in the traditions and practices of the 19th-century cultic milieu. Speaking of Mormon scripture, Quinn stated:

Like [the Bible], the Standard Works seem to occasionally contain neutral references to magic and the occult within their revelatory, religious, historical, and devotional texts. No evidence proves that early Mormons explicitly identified the magic connections examine here, yet in 1829–30 Smith's claims primarily attracted believers in folk magic. Occult beliefs continued to influence the first generation of prominent Mormons. [...]

The existence of occult allusions in LDS scriptures may explain why religious seekers from folk religion were attracted to Mormonism from 1829 onward. Diaries and autobiographies clearly show that most of these converted seekers felt at ease in a church organization for the first time. The subtlety of these allusions to magic also explains why denominational Christians saw only religious content in Mormon scriptures.

Mormon communities today retain a fascination with unconventional practices and ideas. Energy healing and essential oils, for instance, are so commonplace in Mormon communities that they are practically mundane. The multi-level marketing that is so ubiquitous in Mormon communities can also be seen as an alternative occupational strategy to conventional employment. The prevalence of charter school enrollment and homeschooling in Mormon communities is driven in part by the rejection of mainstream public education. Best-selling books by Mormon publishers are frequently devoted to topics such as near-death experiences, faith-promoting pseudohistory, and scriptural or visionary apocalypticism.

Consider also the concept of “deep doctrine”—Mormon ideas existing outside even the Mormon mainstream that represent gnostic truths that only the spiritually enlightened can comprehend. Deep doctrines often represent the most unconventional and esoteric of Mormon beliefs. Knowledge of deep Mormon doctrine is used by some as a means of differentiation within Mormon communities—an indicator of their diligent devotion to the teachings of the faith. The intermingling of conspiracist pseudohistory with deep Mormon doctrines is a common feature of many online Mormon discussion groups, particularly those devoted to more fundamentalist expressions of the faith.

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Narcissism

Narcissism reliably correlates with the endorsement of conspiracy theories and the expression of a generalized conspiracy mindset. Narcissism is characterized by an exaggerated sense of self-importance and the belief that one’s greatness is not adequately appreciated by others. Beyond simply having an inflated self-image, narcissists are more prone to having fragile and unstable self-esteem. Narcissists are therefore often preoccupied with how others perceive them and display a hypervigilance for threats to their self-image. They frequently blame others for their own failings and are quick to assume that others are trying to undermine them. Furthermore, they are highly sensitive to rejection and failure and prone to respond with hostility to criticism.

There are two major expressions of narcissism often differentiated from each other—grandiose vs vulnerable narcissism. Grandiose narcissism is characterized by an exaggerated sense of self-worth, social dominance, exploitativeness, shamelessness, and a general sense of entitlement to special treatment by others. In contrast, vulnerable narcissism tends to be more withdrawn, fragile, defensive, and especially sensitive to criticism. These expressions of narcissism are not truly distinct and exist along a spectrum; the same person may display expressions of either grandiose or vulnerable narcissism at different times and in different settings. Importantly, both grandiose and vulnerable narcissism are associated with conspiracy belief, though possibly for different reasons (Douglas et al., 2017; Wood & Douglas, 2018; Cichocka, 2016).

Collective Narcissism

Conspiracy beliefs are also associated with collective narcissism—exaggerated perceptions of the greatness of one’s social group (be it nation, ethnicity, religion, etc.) and a conviction that it is not sufficiently appreciated by others (Cichocka, Marchlewska, & de Zavala, 2016; Biddlestone et al., 2021). Collective narcissism is characterized by heightened sensitivity to in-group criticism or the lack of recognition from others, stemming from a compulsion to proclaim in-group worth. It is also a predictor of out-group hostility, especially in the context of perceived threats to the in-group’s status (Cichocka et al., 2016). For individuals high in collective narcissism, conspiracy theories may serve as an explanation for why one’s in-group does not receive the recognition it deserves and to blame others for in-group misfortunes (Biddlestone et al., 2021).

Aleksandra Cichocka (2016) contrasts collective narcissism with other forms of non-narcissistic positivity about one’s group identity. Distinguishing between group-level self-definition (i.e., perceiving oneself as similar to others within a generally homogenous group) and group-level self-investment (i.e., satisfaction and solidarity with the group and the importance of the group to the self), Cichocka argues that collective narcissists are primarily concerned with group-image whereas non-narcissistic in-group positivity is more secure and constructive. Collective narcissists are also prone to blind nationalism—rigid national attachment, intolerance of criticism, blind devotion and uncritical conformity to prevailing group ways, and the rejection and denigration of other out-group nations. Contrast that with constructive patriotism, characterized as love of country, open-eyed and critical understanding of national values to which one is committed, acceptance of in-group criticism with the goal of improvement, and a non-exclusivist appreciation for the values and ways of other nations (Cichocka, 2016).

Collective narcissism can also be expressed in both grandiose and vulnerable forms. In the grandiose expression, collective narcissism manifests as group exceptionalism—beliefs that the in-group is unusual or extraordinary in ways that imply superiority. These beliefs are frequently buoyed by pseudo-scholarship, especially in history or science, that overemphasizes the strengths and achievements of the in-group while downplaying weaknesses and failures (Cichocka & Cislak, 2020; Bertuzzi, 2021; Biddlestone et al., 2021). Collective narcissists may also demonstrate a strong desire for historical closure, which attenuates feelings of collective guilt and obligation for reparations to victims for past in-group sins. That is, collective narcissism often manifests in defensive desires to distance oneself from events of the past that might undermine the positive image of one’s in-group (Cichocka, 2016).

The vulnerable expression of collective narcissism manifests as a shared sense of victimization and defensiveness termed siege mentality. It is characterized by pronounced hostility to in-group criticism, insularity and out-group wariness, and hypervigilance regarding persecution or marginalization of the in-group (Cichocka, 2016). Importantly, group siege mentality may be justified by historically factual experiences of persecution and marginalization of group members. However, exaggerated retellings of these episodes can further intensify siege mentality and collective narcissism, especially when historic experiences with persecution are a central feature defining group identity.

People high in collective narcissism tend to attribute group successes to the abilities and efforts of the group, and group failures to external factors. They also tend to discount the validity of criticism, take more credit than they ascribe to others, overestimate group strengths and achievements, and overlook group faults and failures. This self-serving bias is often applied to history to present narratives that portray the group in an unrealistically positive light by selectively emphasizing or exaggerating stories portraying the valiance, virtuousness, or moral integrity of the group whilst sanitizing or discounting episodes of hypocrisy, unscrupulousness, or moral depravity by group members. Similarly, collective narcissists will interpret science in a self-serving biased manner by emphasizing research that reinforces ideas of in-group exceptionalism while ignoring or discounting science that undermines those narratives (Cichocka, 2016).

Researchers argue that collective narcissism is a response to the frustration of individual-level psychosocial needs, including the needs for belonging and uniqueness, as well as the need to maintain a positive self-image. Persons perceiving a lack of control or personal autonomy are more prone to collective narcissism, which temporarily restores a sense of personal control (Cichocka et al., 2016). Additionally, collective narcissists tend to be more concerned with how the group image reflects on their self-image than with benefitting other in-group members (Cichocka, 2016). These findings suggest that collective narcissism may serve as a compensation mechanism among people experiencing frustrations of individual psychosocial needs, especially such persons who feel powerless, with unstable self-esteem, or experience dysphoric self-consciousness (Cichocka, Marchlewska, & de Zavala, 2016).

Defending the image of the social groups with which one identifies is one means whereby people defend against perceived threats to their self-image. People with unstable self-esteem are more likely to feel motivated to defend their self-image and, by extension, the image of their in-group. Conspiracy theories about adversarial out-groups plotting to undermine one’s in-group may serve as a means for such defense. People may be especially motivated to blame out-groups if they perceive their in-group as a victim. Evidence shows that conspiracy beliefs are strongest among people who feel victimized or are generally defensive about their group identities (Cichocka, Marchlewska, & de Zavala, 2016; Biddlestone et al., 2021). This perception may be based on factual experiences of persecution and social ostracism, as is the case of many minoritized communities. Significantly, groups that feel chronically threatened—including minoritized ethnic or religious groups—often show higher prevalence of conspiracy beliefs (van Prooijen et al., 2015; Biddlestone et al., 2021).

To maintain a positive group image and compensate for insecurity regarding group social standing, perceived victimhood can motivate the use of conspiracy stereotypes to unite the in-group against a scapegoat out-group. This tendency is especially true for persons who are chronically defensive about their in-group. In short, hypersensitivity to group image can motivate hypervigilance regarding threatening out-groups in an effort to defend a positive group image through intergroup comparisons that place the in-group in a morally superior victim role (Biddlestone et al., 2021).

Hypervigilance over threats to group image can also foster suspicion between in-group members. Such a tendency can motivate intragroup surveillance wherein members of the in-group evaluate each other to identify potential “wolves in sheeps’ clothing.” Evidence shows that individuals scoring high in collective narcissism are more willing to engage in conspiratorial plots against members of their in-group, which is explained by a tendency among collective narcissists to believe that other in-group members are also conspiring against them (Biddlestone et al., 2021).

Mormon Exceptionalism

Despite frequent and noteworthy teachings on the importance of meekness and humility, many features of Mormon culture may contribute to the enculturation of narcissistic attitudes and beliefs. Aggrandized self-importance and insufficient appreciation by others are prominent features of the Mormon Restoration narrative. In the introductory section of the Doctrine and Covenants, Jesus personally declares approval of the faith as “the only true and living church upon the face of the whole earth” (D&C 1:30). A passage only a few verses later is used to proclaim that Mormon leaders declare God’s will as though directly: “What I the Lord have spoken, I have spoken […] whether by mine own voice or by the voice of my servants, it is the same” (D&C 1:38).

Notwithstanding the Lord’s personal approval, Mormons are also frequently taught that the true worth of Mormonism is not adequately appreciated by outsiders. The Doctrine and Covenants also teaches that “there are many yet on the earth among all sects, parties, and denominations, who are blinded by the subtle craftiness of men, whereby they lie in wait to deceive, and who are only kept from the truth because they know not where to find it” (D&C 123:12). Note the conspiracist tenor of this passage, which evokes hidden truths actively suppressed by shadowy, malevolent actors. Current LDS leadership continue to bemoan that the true value of Mormonism is misunderstood and underappreciated by outsiders:

Far too many people have a poor understanding of the Church because most of the information they hear about us is from news media reports that are often driven by controversies. Too much attention to controversy has a negative impact on peoples’ perceptions of what The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints really is.

Elder M. Russell Ballard, 15 December 2007, BYU-Hawaii Commencement Address
Printed as "Sharing the Gospel Using the Internet" (Ensign, July 2008)
Invoked alongside D&C 123:12 in the current seminary curriculum.

Examples of Mormon figures extolling the underappreciated and unparalleled worth of Mormonism are plentiful. It is taught from every pulpit, in every meetinghouse, at every level of the church. It is a mainstay of General Conference addresses and turns up in innumerable church publications. Consider the range of venues represented by just the limited examples above: Mormon scripture, a BYU commencement address, the globally-distributed church magazine, and the instructional materials for the worldwide youth seminary program. Messaging about the greatness and importance of Mormonism is inescapable within Mormon communities. However, because it is often intermixed with messaging encouraging humility, the frequent laudations of Mormon supremacy can be easy for some to dismiss. Mormon messaging often combines reminders to avoid haughtiness with simultaneous expositions of the various ways in which Mormonism is superior to other faith traditions.

Also in keeping with grandiose collective narcissism, Mormon communities have traditionally employed pseudo-scholarship to support notions of Mormon exceptionalism. Examples include the many articles published by the church or BYU professors promoting Book of Mormon historicity by means of pseudoscience, pseudoarchaeology, or pseudolinguistics. Multiple organizations dedicated to Mormon apologetics regularly engage in this enterprise. Indeed, The Book of Mormon itself represents a pseudohistorical narrative that serves as a foundation for ideas about Mormon exceptionalism. In addition to presenting an alternative history of Indigenous Americans as degenerate descendents of Israel who have forgotten their ancestry, it further proclaims that Joseph Smith and the Mormons are a people chosen by God to restore suppressed and lost truths and prepare the world for the second coming and millennial reign of Christ.

Especially prominent among Mormon narratives of exceptionalism are generations of teachings promoting anglo-Israelism that identify white European Mormons as the literal blood descendents and heirs to the blessings of the scattered tribes of Israel. These sometimes even go so far as to identify Joseph Smith and other prominent Mormon figures as direct descendents of Jesus Christ. These ideas were aggressively promoted by Mormon leaders through official channels and dedicated organizations, such as the Genealogical Society of Utah (the predecessor to FamilySearch), before waning in popularity in the wake of World War II. However, these ideas are still vigorously promoted by Mormon publishers, church leaders, and other prominent Mormon figures. In some Mormon communities, they remain unabashedly taught as centrally doctrinal ideas.

Mormon Siege Mentality

The vulnerable expression of collective narcissism manifests as siege mentality—a worldview shaped principally by perceptions of in-group misrepresentation, marginalization, and persecution. Such perceptions are extremely prevalent in Mormon communities and represent a significant part of Mormon cultural identity. Persecution narratives are arguably the most recurring theme in the telling of church history within Mormon communities, beginning with Joseph Smith’s theophany as a youth and climaxing with his martyrdom in Carthage, Illinois. The story of Mormonism is one of its devotees being driven from New York and then from Ohio, being massacred and expelled from Missouri under the force of an extermination order, the murder of their beloved prophet in Illinois, and being forced to flee US territory via a grueling and deadly trek to Utah, only to be further persecuted by the US government over the practice of polygamy.

Truly, Mormons have historically faced derision and persecution—sometimes violent—throughout the history of their faith and this reality arguably justifies much of the insularity and trepidation in Mormon communities. However, the predominant historical narrative taught in Mormon communities has a tendency to exaggerate or even fictionalize experiences with historic persecution and to inaccurately emphasize Mormon innocence, virtue, and moral integrity. It ignores that Mormons often knowingly provoked their neighbors and gave out as good as they got. None of this justifies the unjust treatment Mormons experienced throughout their early history. Nevertheless, the predominant Mormon retelling of their cultural history is more often than not distorted by a self-serving bias that betrays the complex and messy realities of the past by sanitizing Mormon faults and failures from the narrative.

As mentioned above, hypervigilance against threats to group identity often also directs inwardly as a search for “wolves in sheeps’ clothing” among members of the in-group (Biddlestone et al., 2021). We see powerful examples of this in Mormon communities, such as the 1966 BYU spy ring and the Strengthening Church Members Committee (SCMC). The former constitutes an effort at BYU to identify gay and lesbian students and subject them to expulsion and church discipline. The SCMC was formed as a means of sniffing out Mormon fundamentalists—especially those promoting polygamy—within the rank and file members of the church, and subjecting them to church discipline. It was revealed to the public with the leak of the Pace Memorandum, which detailed efforts by LDS leaders to investigate rumours of satanic ritual abuse among the general membership during the height of the Satanic Panic. Beyond these glaring examples, we also observe this inward boundary maintenance in the more mundane tendency within Mormon communities for members to covertly monitor the faithfulness of each other, both in terms of beliefs and practice.

In a previous essay in this series, we discussed the concept of dysphoric self-consciousness and its role in promoting paranoid social behavior. Briefly, dysphoric self-consciousness is the unpleasant perception that one is 1) socially distinct, 2) under the evaluative scrutiny of others, and 3) uncertain of one’s social status within a group (Kramer, 1998). Here I would like to suggest the idea of dysphoric collective-consciousness, characterized by each of the same features but applied to group identity rather than the individual. I suggest that Mormons are culturally prepared to experience dysphoric collective-consciousness, being enculturated with narratives emphasizing Mormon peculiarity, persecution and social ostracism, and insecurity regarding the status of Mormons within a secular, Gentile society. As with dysphoric self-consciousness, these perceptions at the group level encourage hypervigilance toward potential threats to Mormon group image over which the community ruminates (e.g., consider community reactions to how Mormons are portrayed in the news and entertainment media). All of this leads to a sense of embattlement that—like at the individual level—increases group susceptibility to misattribute hostile intent to the ambiguous actions of others. Combined with the prevalence of Manichean narratives and apocalypticism, Mormon communities feature many ingredients for producing a pervasive and robust siege mentality.

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